By Cliff Potts, Editor-in-Chief, WPS News
BAYBAY CITY, LEYTE, Philippines, August 29, 2026 — 0705 PHST


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The Trial Is Still About the Money

Vice President Sara Duterte’s impeachment trial is still grinding through Article I, the confidential-funds case, and the latest hearings have narrowed the public question to something simple: who knew where the money went?

That is not a small question. Article I accuses Duterte of misusing ₱612.5 million in confidential funds: ₱500 million from the Office of the Vice President and ₱112.5 million from the Department of Education, where she previously served as secretary. After weeks of receipts, audit findings, bank records, and testimony, the case is no longer just about whether public money was released. The question is who controlled it, who handled it, who claimed to spend it, and whether the paperwork can prove any of it. (Vera Files, 2026)

Lachica Becomes Central

The name now sitting near the middle of the money trail is Col. Raymund Dante Lachica, former head of the Vice Presidential Security and Protection Group.

Former OVP special disbursing officer Gina Acosta previously testified that she encashed confidential-fund checks and turned over the full ₱500 million to Lachica on Duterte’s instructions. BusinessMirror reported that OVP Assistant Secretary Lemuel Ortonio also testified that Lachica was not an OVP employee but handled confidential funds, based on the information Ortonio relied on in responding to audit issues. (BusinessMirror, 2026)

That testimony matters because it creates a chain: public money was released, encashed, and allegedly transferred to a security official who was not the formal disbursing officer. The defense can still argue that this was part of a confidential-fund process, not proof of misuse. But prosecutors are clearly trying to show that the actual handling of the money bypassed ordinary accountability structures.

The Alias Problem Continues

The trial has also returned repeatedly to the use of aliases and questionable names in confidential-fund documents.

Philstar reported that Acosta testified she did not know who recipients listed as “Pusa” and “Pagong” really were, and that she relied on Lachica’s fund-utilization reports rather than personally witnessing payments to those supposed recipients. (Philstar, 2026a)

That is the part ordinary readers can understand. Confidential funds may require secrecy, but secrecy is not the same thing as blank-check government. If the records list aliases, the Senate still has to know whether those aliases correspond to actual operations, actual people, and actual public purposes.

Court Warns Against Trial by Press Release

The Senate impeachment court is also tightening control over public comments.

The Philippine News Agency reported that Presiding Officer Francis “Chiz” Escudero put Duterte “on notice” after she issued a public statement while the court was announcing stricter enforcement of Rule 18, which restricts public comments about pending trial matters. (Philippine News Agency, 2026a)

Philstar reported that the impeachment court ruled it would impose penalties on parties making public remarks about the case, the same day Duterte accused prosecutors of relying on “political theatrics.” (Philstar, 2026b)

That does not decide the case, but it changes the atmosphere. The Senate is signaling that it does not want the impeachment trial fought entirely through press conferences, social media posts, and political slogans. That is good in theory. In practice, it will only work if the rule is enforced evenly.

Poa May Take the Stand

The next important turn may involve Michael Wesley Poa, Duterte’s defense spokesperson and former Department of Education official.

The Philippine News Agency reported that prosecutors plan to present Poa and Philippine Statistics Authority Assistant National Statistician Marizza Grande as witnesses next week in connection with the DepEd confidential-funds portion of Article I. The House prosecution says Poa’s testimony is relevant to the alleged misuse of the ₱112.5 million in DepEd confidential funds. (Philippine News Agency, 2026b)

The House prosecution has also said it will seek to treat Poa as a hostile witness. That is notable because Poa is not simply a former official. He is part of Duterte’s public-facing defense operation. If the Senate allows that line of testimony, the DepEd portion of the trial could become more politically and legally complicated.

What It Means

The clean read is this: the trial is not exploding, collapsing, or ending. It is tightening.

The case now sits on a practical question: can the prosecution prove that confidential funds were not merely released, but mishandled, misused, or covered by unreliable paperwork? The defense will argue that confidential-fund work does not look like ordinary spending and that audit gaps are not automatic proof of impeachable misconduct.

That is the real fight. Not the noise. Not the slogans. Not the online cheering sections.

If the money trail holds, the case becomes much harder for Duterte to dismiss as politics alone. If the chain breaks, the prosecution may be left with suspicious paperwork and not enough proof. For now, the Senate is still following the money — and the names, aliases, signatures, and witnesses attached to it.



APA-Style Source List:

BusinessMirror. (2026, August 26). Sara security chief Lachica not OVP employee but handled confidential funds.

Philippine News Agency. (2026a, August 26). Impeachment court puts VP Sara on notice over trial remarks.

Philippine News Agency. (2026b, August 26). Prosecution to present Poa, PSA exec in VP Sara impeachment trial.

Philstar.com. (2026a, August 24). Sara Duterte trial recap, Aug. 24: More aliases on receipts, cash trail to Sara’s guard.

Philstar.com. (2026b, August 26). Sara Duterte trial recap, Aug. 26: Sub judice ruling, “Lachica spent funds.”

Vera Files. (2026, August 28). Sara Duterte impeachment trial, Week 8: Who knew where the confidential funds went?


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